POLITICA E GIUSTIZIA: OMISSIONE CONTRO LA DEMOCRAZIA .
In un lungo articolo pubblicato sull’ultimo numero di Micromega, Giancarlo Caselli pone alcuni fondamentali interrogativi sul rapporto tra politica e giustizia: tre interrogativi che investono la fondamentale questione della determinazione del punto di equilibrio tra esigenza di verità e pretesa di immunità, tra regolare esercizio della funzione giurisdizionale (e dell’attività di indagine che ad essa si collega) e svolgimento dell’attività di governo, tra indipendenza della magistratura e esercizio del potere politico.
In ordine a questi temi, Caselli si domanda: « E’ giusto gettare pregiudizialmente dubbi o fango su un magistrato solo perché deals, no winks, a public figure? And, conversely, is always correct to praise a priori, the magistrate who gives reason? When it comes to weight characters (of which we should certainly not take decisions related to their status, but for specific issues or events), fair justice is, by definition, only the likes and interests? Reasoning in this way, not subvert the basic rules of justice? Not affect the serenity of Judgement? Where is the line between attack and intimidation ?.
Curiously, the most significant responses to the questions put forward by the Public Prosecutor of Turin were received from three characters directly linked to the current majority government, as the journalist Giuliano Ferrara, the deputy undersecretary Daniela Santanché and Maurizio Paniz. While Paniz undertook to prove that the House of Representatives had rejected the request to raid the offices of Joseph Spinelli (alleged "paymaster" of Berlusconi for "relaxed evening," eaten between Arcore and Palazzo Grazioli) by reason of the alleged incompetence of the prosecution Milan to investigate the prime minister for a crime he allegedly committed in the exercise of its governmental functions, and Ferrara Santanchè raged in the streets of Milan in a flurry of lingerie in various shapes and sizes, railing militants against judges, against journalists who scratch around in the sheets presidential Palasharp against intellectuals, whose loud and clear is successful, at least for one night, to prevail sull'untuosa hypocrisy that oozes from the verb Minzolini. Toni guerrillas, make-up that comes undone, sweating to the alert levels: oplites are shipped in a fire last battle, committed to lie, to mystify, to implement any abuse in the name of the supreme interest of the Cape.
Lying, mystify, abuse: protection of privacy is invoked (paradoxically, by those who have identified their own ego iperpubblicizzazione the keystone of his perfect machine ten times the consensus) to cover events that inevitably go beyond the private sphere of the Prime Minister. Privacy can not prevent a PM to take action to ensure the successful consummation of a crime, even if committed by a man of the State of their residence within the walls gold, privacy can not stop the free press to detect anomalies in a system evenings where a handful of vintage men frequent the fashionable world are used as a criterion for selection of its leaders, with the tissues of Villa Certosa catapulted to power in the heart of institutions, and privacy can not prevent the intellectuals, writers, people Common expressions of anger and indignation of sound address the structural paradox of the only Sultanate of the Western world.
Lies and deception are indeed moments of implementation of a broader project: the project to "normalize" the abuse of power, institutions and consistently distorted in their function to serve the needs of Man only to the command. And so back into the game Maurizio Paniz, which requires the Parliament-called to receive or refuse a request for search warrant - to replace the Judiciary to identify which court has jurisdiction to decide the guilt or innocence of the President of the Council; reappear here the ghost of such failure, under debate-ANM and promptly stirred opposition to the case whenever the position of prime minister back to be hot; here materialize the provision that further shortens the statute of limitations for criminal record, another cadeau a personal basis to ensure the 'impunity of the accused usually excellent.
The line between offense and intimidation has been, in recent days, exceeded several times: a sad attempt to stir among the friends of youth Boccassini socks or between the turquoise of the court Mesiano, fired by the invective against the gray sky Milan by a patrol of elderly pasionaria furred and freezing, dai video-messaggi con cui il vecchio Cavaliere minaccia ritorsioni verso i magistrati impegnati in procedimenti scomodi, proponendoli agli occhi dell’opinione pubblica come il braccio armato della sinistra giustizialista. Ma Berlusconi evidentemente ignora il passaggio conclusivo della riflessione di Caselli: «Il principio di legalità, l’eguaglianza dei cittadini di fronte alla legge, l’efficienza della giustizia non sono questioni di destra o di sinistra. Sono questioni di cui tutti dovrebbero farsi carico», se non si vuole che il confine tra attacco ed intimidazione venga cancellato per sempre. Se non si vuole che l’ennesima legge ad personam spazzi via anche l’unico reato da cui il premier non è finora riuscito a discolparsi: one of omission against democracy.
Carlo Dore jr.
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